|
An interesting situation was now presented for
the play and interplay of influences, tending on the one hand to
anchor leaders to the cause of the old State, or, on the other, to
attach them to the fortunes of the fledgling Commonwealth. Later
researches, it is to be regretted, fail to disclose anything that
adds to the bare statement of Haywood that Cocke in an interview
with Sevier "erased the favorable impressions he had received
towards the government of North Carolina." Cocke, more than any
other man, Sevier excepted, had shaped the course of recent events.
He was a lawyer and the drafting of the resolutions, articles of
association and a declaration of independence naturally, in large
part, fell to him; and, quite as of course, he felt the pride of
parenthood. He could not easily yield assent to the wrecking of his
handiwork in the construction of a new government in which his
popularity and talents gave promise of raising him to high station.
His must have been a persuasive appeal to Sevier, without whose
cooperation headway could not be made.
Sevier felt that he owed a duty to his people. He was their
recognized leader; and popular sentiment at the time ran strongly in
favor of independence. By that, rather than by the influence of any
leader or leaders of the frontier, Sevier was constrained to
surrender his own conviction as to what was true policy. Sevier,
himself, stated the case, in sum, when (in 1788) he wrote to Joseph
Martin that he was "dragged with the Franklin measures by a large
number of the people of this country."1
In reviewing the conduct of Sevier, the North Carolina Assembly of
1789 found that Sevier did in 1784 oppose efforts made to subvert
North Carolina's authority "in such manner as actually to prevent
elections being held under the new government in two of the
counties."2
This indicates that the first attempt to hold an election for
members to an Assembly of Franklin under the Constitution was
frustrated by Sevier, in efforts initiated by his Jonesborough
speech and Kennedy letter; and also explains why the Assembly did
not meet until March, 1785.
The Assembly met early in March and did not adjourn until near the
end of the month, though it is probable that there were recesses
taken in order that committees charged with the drafting of a series
of legislative acts might mature the same for report and passage.
The Assembly was held at Jonesborough, as Ramsey correctly states;3
though Allison states that the meeting was at Greeneville.4
This fact entitles the county site of Washington county to the honor
of having been, in the fullest sense, the first capital of the
Commonwealth.
John Sevier was elected governor, perhaps without opposition.
No roster of the members of the first Assembly of Franklin has been
preserved. Landon Carter was speaker of the senate, and Thomas
Talbot its clerk; and William Cage was speaker and Thomas Chapman,
clerk of the house of commons. The government was organized by the
election of John Sevier as governor. A judiciary was established,
David Campbell becoming judge of the superior court, and Joshua Gist
and John Anderson assistant judges.
The records of the legislature and council of state of the State of
Franklin have been lost. The laws were never printed or published
save by oral proclamation at the door of Assembly. Col. Gilbert
Christian, it appears, may have had possession of the records at the
time of his death in 1793.5
Copies of the titles of the Acts passed at the March, 1785, session
of the Assembly were forwarded to the North Carolina authorities,
and filed. Haywood evidently drawing from that source gives a list
of acts, ratified on March 31, 1785:
"An act to establish the legal claims of persons claiming any
property under the laws of North Carolina, in the same manner as if
the State of Franklin had never formed itself into a distinct and
separate State."
"An act to appoint commissioners, and to vest them with full powers
to make deeds of conveyance to such persons as have purchased lots
in the town of Jonesborough."
"An act for the promotion of learning in the county of Washington."6
"An act to establish a militia in this State."7
"An act for dividing Sullivan county and part of Greene, into two
distinct counties, and erecting a county by the name of Spencer."
8
"An act directing the method of electing members of the General
Assembly."
"An act for procuring a great seal for this State."9
"An act to divide Greene county into three separate and distinct
counties, and to erect new counties by the name of Caswell10
and Sevier."11
"An act to ascertain the value of gold and silver foreign coin, and
the paper currency now in circulation in the State of North
Carolina, and to declare the same to be a lawful tender in this
State."12
"An act for laying a tax for the support of the government."
Under this caption was the following section:
"Be it enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the aforesaid
land tax, and all free polls, to be paid in the following manner:
Good flax linen, ten hundred, at three shillings and six pence per
yard; nine hundred, at three shillings; eight hundred, two shillings
and nine pence; seven hundred, two shillings and six pence; six
hundred, two shillings; tow linen, one shilling and nine pence;
linsey, three shillings, and woollen and cotton linsey, three
shillings and six pence per yard; good, clean beaver skin, six
shillings; cased otter skins, six shillings; uncased ditto, five
shillings; rackoon and fox skins, one shilling and three pence;
woollen cloth, at ten shillings per yard; bacon, well cured, six
pence per pound; good, clean tallow, six pence per pound; good,
clean beeswax, one shilling per pound; good distilled rye whiskey,
at two shillings and six pence per gallon; good peach or apple
brandy, at three shillings per gallon; good country made sugar, at
one shilling per pound; deer skins, the pattern, six shillings;
good, neat and well managed tobacco, fit to be prized, that may pass
inspection, the hundred, fifteen shillings, and so on in proportion
for a greater or less quantity."
"An act to ascertain the salaries allowed the Governor,
Attorney-General, Judges of the Superior Courts, Assistant Judges,
Secretary of the State, Treasurer and members of the Council of
State."
The salary of the governor was fixed at two hundred pounds, per
annum; the attorney-general twenty-five pounds for each court he
attended; the secretary of state, twenty-five pounds, in addition to
fees allowed him by the law; the judge of the superior court, one
hundred and fifty pounds; the assistant judges, twenty-five pounds
each for every court attended; the treasurer, forty pounds; and each
member of the council of state, six shillings per day, for each day
of actual service. The last section of the act was in these words:
"And all the salaries and allowances hereby made shall be paid by
any treasurer, sheriff or collector of public taxes, to any person
entitled to the same, to be paid in specific articles as collected,
and at the rates allowed by the State for the same; or in current
money of the State of Franklin."
"An act for ascertaining what property in this State shall be deemed
taxable, the method of assessing the same, and collecting public
taxes."
"An act to ascertain the powers and authorities of the judges of the
Superior Courts, the Assistant Judges and Justices of the Peace, and
of the County Courts of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, and directing
the time and place of holding the same."
"An act for erecting a part of Washington county and that part of
Wilkes lying west of the extreme heights of the Appalachian or
Alleghany mountains, into a separate and distinct county by the name
of Wayne."13
Haywood, who, by reason of his intimate knowledge of North Carolina
legislation, could speak with authority, says that these enactments
conformed closely to those which had been made on the same or
similar subjects-matter in North Carolina. The enacting clause was,
"Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Franklin."
Those named for the offices of civil government were, in large part,
those who had been in the service of the old State.
Ramsey states that, as far as could be ascertained at the time he
wrote, James Sevier was clerk of the Washington county court; John
Rhea, of the Sullivan court;14 Daniel Kennedy of the
Greene court; Thomas Henderson, of the Spencer court;" Joseph
Hamilton, of the Caswell court; and Samuel Wear, of the Sevier
court.
Francis A. Ramsey, father of the historian, was appointed by
Governor Sevier to the clerkship of the superior court for the
District of Washington, which was held at Jonesborough.
Manning the state offices were: Landon Carter, secretary of state;
William Cage, treasurer; and Stockley Donelson, surveyor- general.
The council of state was composed of William Cocke, Landon Carter,
Francis A. Ramsey, David Campbell, Daniel Kennedy, and Colonel
Taylor."
On Cage's election as state treasurer, Joseph Hardin, of Greene,
succeeded to the speakership of the house of commons, and served for
a remnant of the March session, 1785.
Governor Martin determined to send to the disaffected region a
personal representative to ascertain and report the true state of
affairs. He selected Major Samuel Henderson, a brother of Judge
Richard Henderson, who had in former years been on the western
frontiers;17 and on February 27, 1785, a letter of
instructions was delivered to Henderson.18
When Henderson reached Jonesborough, he found the first. Assembly of
Franklin in session. Governor Sevier laid before the Assembly a
letter brought to him from Governor Martin—addressed to him as
"brigadier-general." The Assembly formulated a reply to it:
Jonesborough, 22nd March, 1785.
Sir:
Your letter of the 27th of February, 1785, to his Excellency
Governor Sevier, favored by Major Henderson, was laid before the
General Assembly of the State of Franklin by the Governor.
We think it our duty to communicate to you the sense of the people
of this State. We observe your Excellency's candor in informing us
that the reason North Carolina repealed the cession act was because
the sense of Congress was to allow the State of North Carolina
nothing for the land ceded. The truth of that assertion we will not
undertake to determine; but we humbly conceive the terms on which
Congress was empowered to accept the cession were fully expressed in
the cession act itself. Consequently every reason existed for not
passing the cession act that could have existed for the repeal,
except that of doing justice to the United States in general, who,
upon every principle of natural justice, are equally entitled to die
land that has been conquered by our own joint efforts.
We humbly thank North Carolina for every sentiment of regard she has
for us; but we are sorry to observe that it is founded on principles
of interest, as is apparent from the tenor of your Excellency's
letter. We are therefore doubtful, when the cause ceases which is
the basis of your affection, we shall consequently lose your esteem.
Sir, reflect upon the language of some of the most eminent members
of the General Assembly of North Carolina at the last spring
session, when the members from the Western Country were supplicating
to be continued a part of your State. Were not these their epithets:
"The inhabitants of the Western Country are the off-scourings of the
earth, fugitives from justice, and we will be rid of them at any
rate." The members of the Western Country, upon hearing these unjust
reproaches and being convinced it was the sense of the General
Assembly to get rid of them, consulted each other and concluded it
was best to appear reconciled with the masses in order to obtain the
best terms they could, and were much astonished to see North
Carolina, immediately on passing the act of cession, enter into a
resolve to stop the goods that they, by the act of the General
Assembly, had promised to give the Indians for the lands they had
taken from them and sold for the use of the State. The inadequate
allowance made the judges who were appointed to attend the courts of
criminal justice, and who had to travel over the mountains, amounted
to prohibition as to the administration of justice in this quarter,
and altho' the judge appointed on this side of the mountain might,
from the regard he had to the administration of justice in the
Cumberland Country, have held a court there, yet, as your Excellency
failed to grant him a commission agreeable to the Act of Assembly,
he could not have performed that service had he been ever so
desirous of doing it. In short, the Western Country found themselves
taxed to support government, while they were deprived of all the
blessing of it not to mention the injustice done them in taxing
their lands, which lie five hundred miles from trade, equal to the
land of the same quality of the sea shore. The frequent murders
committed by the Indians on our frontiers have compelled us to think
on some plan for our defense. How far North Carolina has been
accessory to these murders we will not pretend to say. We only know
that she took the land the Indians claimed, promised to pay them for
them and again resolved not do to it; and that in consequence of the
resolve, the goods were stopped.
You say it has been suggested that the Indian goods are to be seized
and the commissioners arrested when they arrive on the business of
the treaty. We are happy to inform you that the suggestion is false,
groundless and without the least foundation; and we are certain you
cannot pretend to fault us that the goods are stopped by a resolve
of the Assembly of your State; and if your State are deter- mined to
evade their promise to the Indians, we entreat you not to lay the
blame upon us, who are entirely innocent and determined to remain
so. It is true that we have declared ourselves a free and
independent State, and pledged our honors, confirmed by a solemn
oath to support, maintain and defend the same. But we had not the
most distant idea that we should have incurred the least displeasure
from North Carolina, who compelled us to the measure; and to
convince her that we still retain our affection for her, the first
law we enacted was to secure and confirm all the rights granted
under the laws of North Carolina in the same manner as if we had not
declared ourselves an independent State; have patronized her
Constitution and laws and hope for her assistance and influence in
Congress to precipitate our reception into the Federal Union. Should
our sanguine hopes be blasted, we are determined never to desert
that independence which we are bound by every sacred tie of honor
and religion to support. We are induced to think that North Carolina
will not blame us for endeavoring to promote our own interest and
happiness, while we do not attempt to abridge hers; and appeal to
the impartial world to determine whether we have deserted North
Carolina or North Carolina deserted us.
You will please to lay these our sentiments
before the General Assembly, whom we beg leave to assure, that,
should they ever need our assistance, we shall always be ready to
render them every service in our powers, and hope to find the same
sentiments prevailing in them towards us; and we hereunto annex the
reasons that induced the convention to a Declaration of
Independence, which are as follows:
1 st. That the Constitution of North Carolina declares that it shall
be justifiable to erect new States westward whenever the consent of
the Legislature shall countenance it; and this consent is implied,
we conceive, in the cession act, which has thrown us into such a
situation that the influence of the law in common cases became
almost a nullity, and in criminal jurisdiction has entirely ceased;
which reduced us to the verge of anarchy.
2nd. The Assembly of North Carolina have detained a certain quantity
of goods which was promised to satisfy the Indians for the lands we
possess, which vetenure we fully conceive has so exasperated them
that they have actually committed hostilities upon us, and we are
alone impelled to defend ourselves from their ravages.
3rd. The resolutions of Congress held out from time to time
encouraging the erection of new States have appeared to us ample
encouragement.
4th. Our local situation is such that we not only apprehend we
should be separated from North Carolina, but most every sensible,
disinterested traveler has declared it incompatible with our
interest to belong in union with the eastern parts of North
Carolina. For as we are not only so far removed from the eastern
parts of the State, but separated from them by high and almost
impassable mountains, which naturally divide us from them. Have
proved to us that our interest is also in many respects distinct
from the inhabitants on the other side and much injured by a union
with them.
5th. We unanimously agree that our lives, liberty and property can
be more secure and our happiness much better propagated by our
separation; and consequently that it is our duty and inalienable
right to form ourselves into a new independent State.
We beg leave to subscribe ourselves,
Your Excellency"s Most Obedient Humbl. Sert's.
| |
William Cage, S. H. C.
Landon Carter, S. S. |
By order of the General Assembly.
| |
Thomas Talbot, C. S.
Thomas Chapman, C. C. |
Governor Sevier also returned a short reply by
Henderson, in which only one point was reinforced—that North
Carolina had granted, for a consideration inuring to herself, the
lands of the Cherokees up to the mouth of Holston river, the actual
settlement of which lands she was now threatening to resist.
William Cocke was elected agent or commissioner of the State of
Franklin to appear before the Congress of the Confederation and
present a memorial prepared by the General Assembly, praying
admission to the Union.
The Assembly considered it necessary to bring the Cherokee Indians
into relationship with the new Commonwealth, and Governor Sevier,
Alexander Outlaw and Daniel Kennedy were appointed commissioners
with authority to make a treaty with the Overhill Cherokees.
The first session of the Franklin Assembly was the longest ever
held. The bulk of the legislation was large; necessarily so in the
launching of a new State.
Buoyancy and hopefulness were in the hearts of the Franklin people
as they faced the future. In the summer of 1785, a neighbor across
the line in Washington county, Virginia, wrote that the "new society
or State called Franklin has already put off its infant habit and
seems to step forward with a florid, healthy constitution; it wants
only the paternal guardianship of Congress for a short period to
entitle it to be admitted with eclat as a member of the Federal
Government. Here the genuine Republican! here the real Whig will
find a safe asylum, a comfortable retreat among those modern Franks,
the hardy mountain men."19
_________________
1 Calendar Virginia State Papers, IV, 416.
2 Report, North Carolina Senate, Nov., 1789, signed by
John Rhea, Chairman. Rhea was from Sullivan county; and in later
years represented the first district of Tennessee in Congress.
3 Ramsey, 293.
4 Allison, Dropped Stitches, 28. This statement called
out a newspaper controversy as to which of the two towns was the
first capital of the State. Judge Allison was drawn into the
discussion, and in a communication of April 5, 1916, (Johnson City
Daily Staff, April 8, 1916) after quoting and reaffirming his
statement, he says that he gathered the facts from Haywood's History
of Tennessee, records and other official sources (without citation)
and concludes: "So it appears that while there were meetings at
Jonesborough, on the subject, the Constitution of Franklin was
finally adopted at Greeneville, the government organized there, and
state officers elected and located there, and the legislature met,
first and last at Greeneville." Hay-wood, however, is silent on the
point in issue. The Assembly's reply to Governor Martin was dated
Jonesborough, March 22nd. A proclamation was issued by Governor
Sevier dated "in Washington [County] this 15th day of May 1785, and
in the first year of our independency:" Pennsylvania Packet, August
9, 1785; State Gazette of South Carolina, August 8, 1785. Governor
Sevier wrote from "Washington Court House" to Governor Martin
1785—while the Assembly was yet in session. Not only was the March
session of the Assembly held at Jonesborough; there was an August,
1785 session held at the same place, as is shown in a later chapter.
Allison was a native of Washington County, and that fact might be
thought to add weight to his statement.
5 George Christian's statement to Draper (1842): "I can
say that in father's possession at the time of his death, there were
a quantity of manuscript copies of the laws of Franklin, all of
which fell into the hands of others after the death of my mother
which occurred in 1812. I presume my youngest sister, Margaret, who
married Rev. Thomas Milligan, must have possession of the old
papers, if preserved at all."
6 By this act, Martin's Academy was reincorporated. The
North Carolina Assembly of 1783 had Provided for the establishment
of that Academy, naming it in honor of Governor Alexander Martin. It
was the institution that had been founded by Rev. Samuel Doak about
178o, near Jonesborough, at Salem church (Presbyterian) on Hominy
branch of Little Limestone creek. Doak had been a member of the
Franklin December convention, and doubtless asked legislative
recognition of his classical school. Later the Assembly of the
Territory South of the Ohio River (1795) on motion of John Sevier,
granted a charter to the institution under the name of Washington
College. John Sevier, Jr., was named as one of the trustees. It was
the first literary— institution west of the mountains, and has had a
useful and honorable existence ever since. Alexander, Historical
Sketch of Washington College, Tennessee, 4-10.
7 Under this act, field officers for the several counties
were named, as follows: For Sullivan county: Gilbert Christian,
colonel; John Anderson,- lieutenant-colonel; George Maxwell, first
major. For the "middle county" (later at the same session created
Caswell county): Alexander Outlaw, colonel; James Roddy, lieutenant-
colonel; John McNab, first major; Nathaniel Evans, second major. For
Greene county: Daniel Kennedy, colonel; George Doherty,
lieutenant-colonel; James Houston, first major; Alexander Kelly,
second major. For Washington county: Charles Robertson, colonel;
Valentine Sevier, lieutenant-colonel; Landon Carter, first major;
Jacob Brown, second major.
Haywood and Ramsey state that Daniel Kennedy and William Cocke were
made brigadier-generals of the Franklin militia.
8 Corresponding to Hawkins county, North Carolina, and
Tennessee.
9 Ramsey, 294: "This act was probably never carried into
effect. More than two years afterward commissions to the officers of
Franklin were issued, having upon them a common wafer as the seal of
the State."10
10 In honor of General Richard Caswell, who had been
elected and was soon to be inaugurated governor of North Carolina.
11 In honor of John Sevier. In 1794 at the Assembly of
the Territory South of the Ohio River, a county, covering a part of
the same territory, was created and given the name of Sevier.
12 Conveyances registered at Jonesborough in the year
1785, in recital of the consideration, say: "good and lawful money
of the State of Franklin." Bonds were payable in "Franklin
currency."
13 Named in honor of General Anthony Wayne. It embraced
the territory now within the limits of Carter and Johnson counties.
14 In respect to Rhea the historian must be in error,
since Rhea wrote to Governor Caswell, May 4, 1787, stating that he
had been clerk of the Sullivan county court, under North Carolina,
previous to the establishment of the Franklin government; but that
he had been called abroad by business. "At my return lately, it
appeared that during my absence there had been a change respecting a
government called Franklin, that the justices of the county had let
the court [North Carolina] fall, a majority if not all having joined
the new-made government. When the courts were erected under the
Franklin authority, the person who was deputy for me was by them
made clerk of their court in Sullivan, by which proceeding all the
records of this county have fallen into the hands of the people of
Franklin," and "as an officer of the State of North Carolina" Rhea
asked instructions from the governor how to proceed. The letter
sheds much light upon the sentiment of the inhabitants of Sullivan
County toward the new State at that time. Rhea had been clerk of the
Sullivan county court as early as 1780.
15 It appears that Thomas Hutchings, before his
defection, was for a time clerk of the Spencer county court. Ingram'a Heirs vs. Cocke, i
Overton Rep. 22.
16 Ramsey, 296. An effort was made to win Col. Joseph
Martin's adherence to the Franklin government. As seen, he had been
active in the earlier stages of the movement, but on visiting the
seat of government of North Carolina, he had learned that the
separation would meet with Governor Martin's determined resistance;
whereupon he shifted his course. He was chosen as a member of the
council of state of Franklin, but declined to qualify. Active in the
affairs of Virginia, as well as those of North Carolina, he had
incurred the displeasure of Col. Arthur Campbell of Washington
county, Virginia. Campbell wrote to Governor Patrick Henry, June 3,
1785, in regard to Martin's appointment as lieutenant-colonel of
Virginia militia; "since that he became a citizen of North Carolina,
resided in that State and served there in different offices—no duty
having been done by him in this for years; and lately, at his own
solicitation, was chosen one of the privy council for the State of
Frankland (as it is called)." Va. Cal. State Papers, IV, 31. Martin
wrote to Governor Henry a letter, in which he made no reference to
his active participation in the Franklin movement and guardedly
stated: "As I am informed, Colo. Arthur Campbell informed your
Excellency that I was an officer in the new State. I beg to assure
your Excellency that the report is vague, and that no earthly thing
shall prevail on me to neglect my duty as agent for the State of
Virginia so long as I have the honour to fill that office. True it
is the Assembly of Franklin, as they call themselves, elected me one
of their privy council, which I refused to accept." Va. Cal. St.
Papers, 53 (Sept. 19-1785). Martin on the same day wrote the
governor of North Carolina quite as "vague" a denial as the above:
"I find myself under some concern . . . wherein I am considered a
member of the new State. I beg leave to assure your Excellency that
I have no part with them." N. C. St. Rec., XVII; Ramsey, 318.
17 Henderson: Conquest of the Old Southwest.
18 "You will please to repair with despatch to General
Sevier and deliver him the letters herewith handed you, and request
his answer. You will make yourself acquainted with the transaction
of the people in the Western Country, such as holding a convention;
and learn whether the same be temporary, to be exercised only during
the time of the late cession act, and that since repeal thereof they
mean to consider themselves citizens of North Carolina; or whether
they intend the same to be perpetual; and what measures they have
taken to support such government. That you procure a copy of the
constitution, and the names of such officers at present exercising
the powers of the new government. That you be informed whether a
faction of a few leading men be at the head of this business, or
whether it be the sense of a large majority of the people that the
State be dismembered at this crisis of affairs, and what laws and
resolutions are formed for their future government; also, where the
bounds of their new State are to extend, and whether Cumberland or
Kentucky, or both, are to be included therein, and whether the
people of these places have taken part in these transactions. You
will learn the temper and disposition of the Indians, and what is
done in Hubbard's case, and how his conduct is approved or
disapproved in general. Lastly, every other information you think
necessary to procure, you will communicate to me as soon as
possible; at the same time you will conduct yourself with that
prudence you are master of, in not throwing out menaces, or making
use of any language that may serve to irritate persons concerned in
the above measures." Ramsey, 307, and N. C. St. Records.
19 Quoted by Turner, "Western State-making," Am. Hist.
Rec., I, 258. Col. Arthur Campbell was perhaps the writer. |