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Before information reached the Western Country of
the repealing act of the North Carolina Assembly, an important and
fateful step had been taken. The delegates elected to the second
convention met at Jonesborough, December 14, 1784. Among those
representing Washington county were John Sevier, William Cocke, John
Tipton, Thomas Stewart and Rev. Samuel Houston; from Sullivan
county, David Looney, Richard Gammon, Moses Looney, William Cage and
John Long; and from Greene county, James Reese, Daniel Kennedy, John
Newman, James Roddy and Joseph Hardin. It is believed that Haywood,
followed by Ramsey, gives an incomplete list as above, and that
Tirril, Samms, North, Christopher Taylor, Thomas Talbot, Joseph
Wilson, William Cox, John Manifee, Gilbert Christian, Carnes, Andrew
Taylor, Garrett Fitzgerald, Alexander Cavet, Joshua Gist, Benjamin
Gist, Ahahel Rawlings, Joseph Bullard, Valentine Sevier, Charles
Robertson, Williams Evans, John Maughan, George Maxwell, Vincent,
Provincer, William Davis, Samuel Wear, James Wilson, Joseph Tipton
and Captain David Campbell were also delegates.
William Cocke and Joseph Hardin, as a committee to outline a plan of
action, brought in the following report:
To remove the doubts of the scrupulous; to encourage the timid, and
to induce all, harmoniously and speedily, to enter into a firm
association, let the following particulars be maturely considered:
If we should be so happy as to have a separate government, vast
numbers from different quarters, with a little encouragement from
the public, would fill up our frontier, which would strengthen us,
improve agriculture, perfect manufactures, encourage literature and
every thing truly laudable. The seat of government being among
ourselves, would evidently tend, not only to keep a circulating
medium in gold and silver among us, but draw it from many
individuals living in other states, who claim large quantities of
lands that would lie in the bounds of the new state. Add to the
foregoing reasons, the many schemes as a body, we could execute to
draw it among us, and the sums which many travellers out of
curiosity, and men in public business, would expend among us.
But all these advantages, acquired and accidental, together with
many more that might be mentioned, whilst we are connected with the
old counties, may not only be nearly useless to us, but many of them
prove injurious; and this will always be the case during a connexion
with them, because they are the most numerous, and consequently will
always be able to make us subservient to them; that our interest
must be generally neglected, and sometimes sacrificed, to promote
theirs, as was instanced in a late taxation act, in which,
notwithstanding our local situation and improvement being so
evidently inferior, that it is unjust to tax our lands equally, yet
they have expressly done it; and our lands, at the same time, not of
one fourth of the same value. And to make it still more apparent
that we should associate the whole councils of the state, the
Continental Congress, by their resolves, invite us to it. The
assembly of North Carolina by their late cession bill opened the
door, and by their prudent measures invite to it; and as a closing
reason to induce to a speedy association, our late convention chosen
to consider public affairs, and concert measures, as appears from
their resolves, have unanimously agreed that we should do it, by
signing the following articles:
First. That we agree to entrust the consideration of public affairs,
and the prescribing rules necessary to a convention to be chosen by
each company as follows: That if any company should not exceed
thirty, there be one representative; and there it contains fifty,
there be two; and so in proportion, as near as may be, and that
their regulations be reviewed by the association.
Secondly. As the welfare of our common country depends much on the
friendly disposition of Congress, and their rightly understanding
our situation, we do therefore unanimously agree, speedily to
furnish a person with a reasonable support, to present our memorial,
and negotiate our business in Congress.
Thirdly. As the welfare of the community also depends much on public
spirit, benevolence and regard to virtue, we therefore unanimously
agree to improve and cultivate these, and to discountenance every
thing of a contradictory and repugnant nature.
Fourthly. We unanimously agree to protect this association with our
lives and fortunes, to which we pledge our faith and reputation.
An advance step was to be considered—the formation of a separate
State to take the place of the Association, and its importance was
such as to call for a larger representation in the convention than
fifteen. John Sevier was president and Francis A. Ramsey was
secretary.
The convention, being organized and ready for business, the Rev.
Samuel Houston, one of the deputies from Washington county, arose
and addressed the convention on the importance of their meeting,
showing that they were about to lay the foundation upon which was to
be placed, not only their own welfare and interests, but, perhaps,
those of their posterity for ages to come; and adding that, under
such interesting and solemn circumstances, they should look to
Heaven, and offer prayer for counsel and direction from Infinite
Wisdom. The president immediately designated Mr. Houston, and he
offered up a solemn and appropriate prayer, in which all seemed to
unite.1
Ramsey, making use of the papers left by General Daniel Kennedy, who
was a member of the convention, records the following action, but
attributes it to the August convention, expressing doubt, however,
whether the action was taken then or at a later session:
"On motion of Mr. Cocke, whether for or against forming ourselves
into a separate and distinct State, independent of the State of
North Carolina, at this time, it was carried in the affirmative.
"On motion of Mr. Kennedy, the yeas and nays2 were taken
on the above question:
"Yeas.—Mr. Tirrill, Samms, North, Taylor, Anderson, Houston, Cox,
Talbot, Joseph Wilson, Trimble, Reese, John Anderson, Manifee,
Christian, Carnes, A. Taylor, Fitzgerald, Cavit, Looney, Cock; B.
Gist, Rawlings, Bullard, Joshua Gist, Valentine Sevier, Robinson,
Evans, and Maughan. (28)
"Nays.—John Tipton, Joseph Tipton, Stuart, Maxfield [Maxwell], D.
Looney, Vincent, Cage, Provincer, Gammon, Davi, Kennedy, Newman,
Wear, James Wilson, and Campbell. (15)"
A member of the convention from the door of the rude courthouse
announced the result to the large crowd that had been drawn to
Jonesborough, and the proclamation was received with joyful acclaim.3
That the declaration for a "separate and distinct State, at this
time" was made at the December convention, appears from contemporary
communications, to which Haywood and Ramsey did not have access.
Arthur Campbell's correspondent, writing December 20, 1784, said:
"Last week in convention we ventured to declare ourselves
independent. I confess it was contrary to my opinion."4
Haywood states that on the day when the people were collected in
Washington county to elect deputies to the approaching convention,
of December 14th, Sevier at Jonesborough ascended the steps of an
elevated door and took from his pocket a letter which he had
received from Colonel Joseph Martin, who had just returned from the
Assembly of North Carolina, giving an account of the repeal of the
cession act and of the enactment of conciliatory measures.
The letter itself, not before the historian Haywood when he wrote,
discloses that it was written after the adjournment of the December
convention. Addressing Sevier, December 31, 1784, Martin wrote:
"I left Governor Martin's the 19th instant. He informed me that
Outlaw was sent forward nearly four weeks ago with some dis-patches
to you, enclosing your general's commission with a number of other
papers. He likewise charged me with a letter to you with many others
to the different gentlemen in the District. He informed me the first
business that the Assembly did was to repeal the cession bill before
Congress could meet to accept it. David Campbell is appointed one of
the circuit judges. But as Mr. Outlaw has been so long on his way
home, I have no doubt but that you have the particulars; and as you
have formed a government here, I must beg that you will inform me
whether you will persist or let it lay over until you can be better
informed, as the governor has sent me on to purchase a large
quantity of beef, pork and corn, for the use of a treaty to be held
with the Cherokees in April next, which treaty he is to attend in
person; also many gentlemen from below, in particular General
Caswell, who is to succeed the present governor, and Colo. Blount.
But if you are determined to oppose the measure, I shall not proceed
to purchase. The letters from the governor to the other gentlemen,
together with all my own, I left in Mr. Hardin's wagon as I landed
with him two nights and when I pushed on forgot them, but expect him
down by Monday. Thus shall forward on your letter."5
Evidently it was on the first Monday of January, 1785, county court
day, that Sevier made public announcement of the news brought by
Martin. The latter had been an active participant in the August
convention, and he had learned through Joseph Hardin as he passed
through Greene county, that an important and more decisive step had
been taken, during his absence, in the formation of a separate
government.
Martin, since May, 1783, had been in the employ of North Carolina as
agent to the Cherokee and Chickamauga Indians; and the result of his
visit to the State's Assembly was the chilling of his enthusiasm for
separation. He was not prepared to hazard his place by coming to a
breach with the State's authorities. He also knew that Sevier's
heart, as well as his own, was fixed on the speculation in lands in
the Bend of the Tennessee, which enterprise was calling their
associates Caswell and Blount to the West.
Sevier himself was on the point of veering. He promptly wrote his
confidential friend, Colonel Daniel Kennedy, of Greene county, under
date of January 2, I785 :
"I have just received certain information from Colonel Martin that
the first thing the Assembly of North Carolina did, was to repeal
the cession bill, and to form this part of the country into a
separate District, by name of Washington District, which I have the
honor to command. I conclude this step will satisfy the people with
the old State, and we shall pursue no further measures as to a new
State. David Campbell, Esq'r. is appointed one of our judges. I
could write to you officially, but my commission is not yet come to
hand."6
Sevier later issued an official address to the people of Greene
county, giving information of what had been done by the Assembly of
North Carolina for the relief of the people west of the mountains;
and, with a view to composing controversy and confusion, urged that
they decline to take further action toward establishing a new
government.7
The December convention largely devoted itself to the work of
preparing a temporary constitution for the new State, which, from
the outset, was called the State of Franklin, and not Frankland, as
borough in November, "but broke up in confusion because of the
repeal of the cession, John Sevier having received official
information." is sometimes stated.8 The document was unique in form
in that it was prefaced by a Declaration of Independence, in which
was set forth the "reason which impels us to declare ourselves
independent of North Carolina," — "a decent respect to the opinions
of mankind" making it proper.
There follows the usual bill of rights, under the title "Declaration
of the State of Franklin"; and next in order is the governmental
scheme, the latter closely modeled after the North Carolina
Constitution of 1776.9
The closing paragraphs declare that the instrument was not intended
to preclude the convention then in session from making temporary
laws for the well ordering of the State until the General Assembly,
organized under the Constitution "shall establish government
agreeable to the mode herein described." It is believed, however,
that the convention did not undertake to legislate under this power.
It recommended the temporary Constitution "for the serious
consideration of the people during six months," after which period
and before the expiration of a year, another constitutional
convention should be held to pass upon its adoption as the permanent
fundamental law, or to amend it to conform to the popular will.
William Cocke and David Campbell probably collaborated in the
preparation of this document.
Nowhere, in any document discovered, are the boundaries of Franklin
formally defined. By implication jurisdiction was assumed over all
of the ceded territory. Thus, the boundaries were coincident with
those of the present Tennessee, though for practical purposes the
Indians had possession and ruled over large portions of the domain.
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1 Ramsey, 292.
2Influential members of the first convention are not
recorded as voting—Doak, Donelson, Outlaw and Carter. Leaders such
as Hardin, Talbot, John Tipton, Valentine Sevier and Reese, who were
not delegates to the August convention, are here recorded as voting.
3 Ramsey, 288.
4 Gazette of the State of South Carolina, Charleston, of
February 24th, 1785. The writer had heard the debate.
5 Draper Collection, Shelby MSS, vol. II, 76. Allison in
Dropped Stitches in Tennessee History (p. 28) is yet more confused.
He states that delegates met at Jones
6 Ramsey, 292.
7 Ib.
8 The news reached Charleston, S. C., in May and was
communicated from there to England "The new State is named
Franklin." London Chronicle, Aug. 20, 1785. Arthur Campbell
consistently wrote the name "Frankland" — his preference.
9 This document escaped the search of Haywood and Ramsey.
A certified copy of it was transmitted to the State authorities of
North Carolina; and was found, in 1904, in a small paper box in the
office of the Insurance Commissioner of North Carolina, and not in
the State Archives. The complete instrument appears in Appendix,
infra. See also American Historical Magazine, IX, 399. "The form of
government established is under a constitution similar to that of
North Carolina." London Chronicle, Aug. 20, 1785. |