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Colonel John Tipton, after his
rebuff by the Assembly of Carolina,
returned home, intent upon pressing his
fight to a successful issue. He was left
in authority as colonel of his county
and clerk of its court, held at Davis's.
It was determined that the most
effective way of delivering a telling
blow at the State of Franklin was to
stop the functioning of her courts.
Therefore, at the February term of the
Carolina court of Washington county, an
order was entered "that Jonathan Pugh,
Esq., sheriff take into custody the
court docket of said county, supposed to
be in the possession of John Sevier,
Esq." Raids to get possession of court
records were now resumed. A
correspondent of the Winchester
(Virginia) Advertiser wrote that "the
disturbances for some time past have
been very alarming. The Tiptonites and
the Franklinites have been constantly in
arms against each other. The former have
two or three times taken possession of
Jonesborough; the Franklinites were
lately in possession of the same place.
Their succors came in so slowly that
they thought it prudent to evacuate the
town, and in the evening about 240
Tiptonites appeared so suddenly that the
few who were in it were captured."
Andrew Caldwell, Francis Baker and
Ambrose Yancy were taken and obliged to
appear at court where they engaged
thereafter to be inactive in the
dispute.1
Sevier was in. Greene county where he
had gone to hearten the new-State
followers. A few days before (January
24th) he had written to General Daniel
Kennedy with the same end in view:
"I have lately received some favorable
news from Doctor Franklin, and other
gentlemen; also, am happy to inform you
that I find our friends very warm and
steady—much more so than heretofore. My
son can inform you of some late
particulars. Anything material your way,
will thank you for a sketch of it by my
son."
The Franklinites driven from
Jonesborough fell back to Greeneville
where their leaders were.2
Word was sent to the strongholds in the
lower counties of a rendezvous at
Greeneville;3 and soon the
clans under Captain Nathaniel Evans were
gathering on the waters of the French
Broad to join Sevier.4
Sevier had another and personal
grievance to be redressed. In the early
part of 1788 an execution from a court
sitting under the authority of North
Carolina had come into the hands of
Sheriff Pugh, who levied it on a number
of Governor Sevier's slaves, and removed
them from his Mount Pleasant farm on
Nolachucky river to the home of Colonel
Tipton for safe-keeping. Deeming this
action illegal, Sevier determined to put
an end to the raids on the courts, to
suppress open opposition to the
authority of the courts of Franklin and
to recover his slaves, all in one blow.
Having gathered about one hundred and
fifty men, from Greene, Sevier and
Caswell counties at Greeneville, he
marched to the home of Tipton on Sinking
Creek, about one and one-half miles from
the present Johnson City. Other men from
Washington county joined the force as it
passed. In Tipton's house was a guard of
about forty-five men.5
Sevier's force arrived in the afternoon
of February 27th and first took a
position about a quarter of a mile away
from Tipton's house. Sevier then sent in
a flag with a communication requesting a
surrender within thirty minutes.6
Tipton gave only a verbal reply: that he
asked no favors, and if Sevier would
surrender himself and his leaders they
all should have the benefit of North
Carolina's laws. At this time a company
from the eastern part of Washington
county (now Carter county) under Captain
Peter Parkinson, responding to a call
for aid from Tipton, appeared upon the
scene. The Sevier troopers opened fire
on this company and killed three horses.
Parkinson's contingent was driven back,
temporarily at least. Two women coming
out of Tipton's house were fired upon by
mistake, and one was wounded in the
shoulder.
Sevier seems now to have proposed a
siege of the Tipton house.
He ordered all passes to that house
guarded. A party of which his son James
was a member, occupied a rocky eminence
west of the house the night of the 27th.
Colonel Love secretly escaped from the
house and under cover of darkness made
his way toward Greasy Cove to raise more
men. }le met his brother, Thomas Love,
with ten or twelve men coming to join
the Tiptonites. The night being
exceeding cold, the guard under young
Sevier had left their post and gone to
the camp-fire to warm. In this way the
men under the Loves reached the home of
Tipton unobserved.
The next morning Sevier sent in another
flag with a communication of milder
nature. Tipton replied demanding
submission and said: "if they would
acquiesce I would disband my troops and
countermand the march of the troops from
Sullivan." This was directed to
"Colonel" John Sevier. Sevier's
officers, offended at this, pretended to
believe that the message was for
Valentine Sevier, a brother of the
governor, and it was by them replied
that Colonel Sevier was not in camp and
that they undertook to answer themselves
to say: that as they were not uneasy
about the forces now on the grounds;
and, as to the troops on the march from
Sullivan, they could countermand the
march themselves, without putting
Colonel Tipton to any trouble. It is
probable that the officers in the Sevier
camp thought that Tipton referred to
Parkinson's company which, they knew,
had been turned back.
A light field piece was placed on a hill
overlooking the Tipton place. Major
Elholm, second in command, in order to
make short work and obviate the danger
incident to delay proposed the erection
of a light movable overcover, and a
prompt advance of the troops under its
protection; but Sevier did not assent. A
part of the command was engaged in
foraging for supplies for the troops and
their horses. Certificates of the State
of Franklin were given for the supplies
impressed for that purpose.7
Toward evening William Cox came into the
Sevier camp and gave information that
the militia of Sullivan was embodying to
reinforce Tipton, and would that night
cross the Watauga river at Dungan's mill
ford,8 about six miles
distant. "Cox was thought to act a
doubtful if not double part, and many
gave no heed to his information."
However, two of the young blades,
Captain Joseph Hardin, son of Colonel
Joseph Hardin, and John Sevier, Jr.,
with a party of forty men started, out
of abundance of caution, for the ford to
dispute the passage of the Sullivan
troops should they attempt it. When
within half a mile of the ford, the men
under Hardin and Sevier, suffering from
the bitter cold, refused to go further,
seeing no signs of a foe and believing
the intelligence to be a hoax.
Cox, however, had acted in good faith,
and the men under Colonels Maxwell and
Pemberton were allowed to collect in a
body at Dungan's on the night of the
28th in response to urgent appeals from
Colonel Tipton. From this rendezvous
they marched at an early hour the next
morning, undiscovered and unmolested.
Before sunrise they were at Tip ton's. A
very heavy fall of snow aided in
screening them from the view of Sevier's
pickets and troops. A party of Franks
composed of Captain John Sevier, Jr.,
and his brother James, and thirty
others, all mounted, at daybreak "went
out on a scout, and as they passed along
the lane fronting the house of Tipton,
they were fired upon, the balls rattling
on the fence, they at full gallop. None
was injured."
The troops under Maxwell, says Haywood,
fired a volley and raised a shout which
seemed to reach heaven, announcing that
deliverance was at hand for the
besieged. From the house the shout was
reechoed as the force under Colonel
Tipton sallied, joining the Sullivan
troops in an attack on the dismayed
Franks in Sevier's camp.
The battle now commenced. After the
first volley from the Carolinians, the
Sevier forces, abandoning the small
piece of ordnance, camp equipment,
saddles, etc., retreated to an eminence
not far from their camp which being
gained a number of shots were returned
on the attacking force. Webb, of the
Sullivan county force was killed and
Jonathan Pugh, high sheriff of
Washington county, was wounded and died
eight days after the action. About six
other Tiptonites were wounded. The
attack being pressed with firmness, the
Franks were soon dislodged, and, not
able to discern in the blinding storm
the size of the attacking force, beat a
retreat toward Jonesborough. In this
action John Smith, on the side of
Sevier, had his thigh broken and died
from the effects a few weeks afterward.
Henry Polley was wounded in the hip.
The casualties would have been greater
but for the heavy snowfall. Ramsey,
however, on the authority of men who
were in the engagement, says that many
men, of both parties, fired into the air
purposely, to avoid the shedding of
blood; and this seems probable when we
recall how expert all were in the use of
firearms.
The scouting party out under Captain
Sevier, on hearing the volleys near the
camp, hastened back and on riding up saw
the flag of the Franklinites still
flying above the camp. They did not
suspect that so sudden and complete a
change had taken place. But a volley
from the Tiptonites arrested them and
"some few, amazed and wondering, were
pulled from their horses and called upon
to surrender, among these John Sevier,
Jr., James Sevier, and their cousin,
John Sevier," and sixteen others. Gasper
Fant of this party was wounded in the
arm, and "Samuel Beard, who had on a red
overcoat received several balls through
it but escaped unhurt."
That night, on the intercession of
Colonel Love, the young Seviers were
permitted, on pledge of honor to return,
to go with the wounded John Smith to the
home of the latter. They returned on the
next day and gave bond for their
appearance at court and were set at
liberty. Colonel Love signed as their
surety.
Haywood is authority for the statement
that Tipton was determined to hang the
two sons of Governor Sevier:
"Apprized of the rash step he intended
to take, the young men sent for Mr.
Thomas Love, and others of Tipton's
part, with whom they had a good
understanding, and solicited their
intercession with Tipton. Those persons
went directly to him and represented in
strong terms the rashness, illegality
and impolicy of the intended execution.
They urged their arguments so
effectually that, with tears flowing
down his cheeks at the mention of his
own sons, supposing them to be in
possession of Sevier about to be
executed by him for offenses imputed to
their father, he pronounced himself too
womanly for any manly office, and
desisted from his purpose." 9
However, the little battle was not
without its humorous phases. Major John
Sevier left on record the story that
when the rout of the Franks began Major
Elholm bawled out: "Halt, form, Colonel
Robertson!" Robertson, who talked
through his nose and had not time for
extended remarks, replied gruffly:
"Damnation, I'll halt for no man!"
George W. Sevier, a son of the governor,
related this incident to Draper:
Sevier's negro servant, Tobe, was among
the prisoners taken and conducted to
Tipton's front yard to be there guarded.
Strolling about the lawn, Tobe was asked
by one of the guards to whom he
belonged. "To the Sullivan troops, sir,"
was the quickwitted reply. Surveillance
being relaxed, Tobe sauntered off, soon
saw his opportunity, mounted a good
horse and dashed off, leaping the yard
fence. A gunshot failed to hit him or to
stop him.
Ramsey describes the demeanor of Sevier
during the siege, as represented by
those who were of his party, to have
been very different from that which was
usual. He was silent and morose. In his
abstraction even Elholm's vivacity
failed to arouse him. He communicated
little with his officers and suggested
no plans, either of attack or defense.
The fact that in the besieged house and
opposing force were many of his former
friends, who could no longer follow his
fortunes, grieved him to the point of
making him no longer the purposeful and
resourceful campaigner.
Colonel Joseph Hamilton, Sr., is quoted
to the effect that Sevier made repeated
efforts to compromise, sending Captain
John Cowan time and again, under flag,
for that purpose; but without avail.10
Tipton's forces followed in pursuit of
the retreating Franks, but before going
far they were met by Robert Young, Jr.,
with a verbal message from Sevier,
asking for time to consider terms.
Colonels Maxwell and Tipton replied,
giving until the 11th inst., for the
purpose.
Sevier's reply has been preserved. It
was addressed to Tipton:
"I received the flag sent by yourself
and Colonel Maxwell. The answer thereto
is sent by Messrs. Young and Evans. You
can dis-cover the purport and sentiment
of the officers. As to my own part,
I am at liberty to do for myself. I wish
you would be so good as to write me
particularly from under your own hand,
setting forth the terms in plain manner,
and let me know what I have to depend
on, and I shall answer you by the 11th
inst., agreeable to your flag."11
Colonel Tipton stated to his
brigadier-general that he proposed a
submission to the laws of North
Carolina. Sevier and his followers went
south to Greeneville, where, on March
3rd, a council of officers was held and
its conclusion was forwarded to Colonels
Tipton and Maxwell by Young and Evans:
"We have received your flag of truce,
dated 29th February, 1788, but as we do
not fully comprehend its contents you
have not put it in our power to give any
answer thereto. But it is the sentiment
of our council, equally now as
heretofore, to be amenable to the laws
of the Union for our conduct; and
flatter ourselves that you will be
answerable to the same laws for your
proceedings. And, actuated by the
principles of humanity and justice and
discretion of the people, and honor of
both parties, this council wishes that a
convention of the people may be called
at the earliest opportunity. In the
meantime, this council remains peaceably
disposed until the arrival of another
flag of truce from you. As a proof of
our peaceable disposition, we have
already given up some property taken,
and are willing to give up the rest; and
hope that your party will also return
the property that fell into your hands.
"John Sevier, P."12
Sevier, conceiving that his term of
office as governor expired March 1st, no
longer undertook to act in that
capacity. He signed as president of the
council.
Neither party could assure the other; at
base was a deep distrust of the other's
intentions. And, in fact, not without
some reason. Tipton and Maxwell had on
the loth sent a call on Colonel Arthur
Campbell for volunteers from Virginia,
to "quell the insurrection"; satisfied
as they were that "Sevier is trying to
raise another party."13
This was not true of Sevier, but General
Cocke, in Spencer (Hawkins) county, was
(17th) issuing "orders to Thomas
Henderson to raise the militia of their
party to march against Colonel Tipton."14
Tipton in particular, was for punitory
action. On March 11th, he issued to
Colonel Robert Love an order: "You will
cause the men of Greasy Cove to be
notified to appear at my house on
Saturday evening next, well equipped
with arms and ammunition, and six days
provisions. Those that have arms, etc.,
and do not comply, take and give to
those that will serve."
On the 16th he with his force was at the
home of Abednego Inman, from which he
wrote to General Kennedy of Greene
county that his business was not to
disturb or molest the inhabitants, but
rather to protect them. "As I am
persuaded that you have the interest of
the country at large at heart, if it
should coincide with your approbation
you should bring the commissions to
Greene Court House tomorrow, for the
purpose of establishing a court, so that
the inhabitants may be exempt of the
penalty prescribed by law."
Both Sevier and Kennedy had been away on
the frontiers since the 10th; and
Colonel Tipton's march was fruitless.
Joseph Martin, the successor of Evan
Shelby in command of the brigade west of
the mountains, had been absent. On his
return, he asked for a report from
Tipton as one of his colonels and seemed
a bit querulous in respect of Tipton's
actions; particularly about his
treatment of Gilbert Christian, a
follower of Sevier. Martin, from
frequent consultations with the
executives of North Carolina, knew that
diplomacy and not war was the policy of
the State. He conceived himself fitted
by long experience to play the part of
diplomat and now essayed the role. From
this time forward Tipton was to play a
minor part.
Knowing that Sevier and Kennedy were
closely knit in friendship, General
Martin wrote the latter on March 21st:
I am greatly distressed and alarmed at
the late proceedings of our countrymen
and friends, and must beg your friendly
interposition, in order to bring about a
reconciliation, which, you well know,
was my object in accepting the
brigadier's commission. I am, perhaps,
as little afraid of stepping forth in
the field of action as any other man;
but I would be sorry to imbrue my hands
in the blood of my countrymen and
friends, and will take every method in
my power to prevent anything of that
nature. In our present situation,
nothing will do but a submission to the
laws of North-Carolina, which I most
earnestly recommend to the people. You
well know this is the only way to bring
about a separation, and also a
reconciliation for our worthy friend,
whose situation at this time is very
disagreeable. I most sensibly feel for
him, and will go very great lengths to
serve him. Pray see him often, and give
him all the comfort you can.
I am told that a certain officer says,
that if I issue an order for a
reconciliation, that it shall not be
obeyed; but I shall let that gentleman
know that I am not to be trifled with.
Pray write me all what the people will
do, and whether you will accept your
commission, which I hope you will. Have
the militia immediately officered and
prepared for action, as I expect a
general Indian war shortly. Please give
my best respects to the people in
general. Tell them my object is
reconciliation, not war.
Martin wrote to Governor Samuel
Johnston, successor of Caswell (March
24th) that "confusion in the West was
truly alarming."
I sent Saturday last to Sevier and his
party requiring them to lay down arms,
but can get no answer, only from Colo.
Joseph Hardin which I forward. Though I
know that on Friday last they [the
Franklinites] met in convention to
concert some plan. The bearer of my
express informs me that he understood
that Sevier had gone towards French
Broad river since the loth instant; that
Colonel Kennedy and several others had
gone the same way to carry on an
expedition against the Cherokee Indians,
which I am well assured wish to be at
peace except the Chickamauga party,
which could be easily drove out of that
country if your Excellency should
recommend it. I am somewhat doubtful
that Sevier and his party are embodying,
under the color of an Indian expedition
to amuse us, and that their object is to
make another attack on the citizens of
this State, to prevent which I have
ordered the different colonels to have
their men in good order until I could
hear from your Excellency. . . .
Private papers are in circulation in
many parts for the people to sign in
opposition to the laws of this State,
setting forth that the taxes are heavier
than they can bear; that the poll-tax is
four dollars, etc. . . .
Should the Franklinites still persist to
oppose the laws of this State, would it
not be well to order General McDowell to
give some assistance, as a few men from
there [North Carolina] will convince
them that North Carolina is determined
to protect their citizens. The leaders
of the rebel party assure the people
that North Carolina will not interfere,
and that we are to settle the dispute
among ourselves.15
Sevier Sevier himself had not gone on an
Indian campaign. He wrote, on March
27th, from Greeneville to Martin, in
reference to the latter's letter of
solicitation to Kennedy:
Yours of the 2,1st instant is now before
me. I consider myself under obligations
to any friend for his interposition in
time of distress, but in the meantime
beg leave to assure you that, in my
opinion, I have acted no part in behalf
of Franklin but what I have been justly
authorized to do by the laws of North
Carolina, which State is the author of
all these disturbances. I have served
North Carolina in public character for
many years. In the height of her
calamities I was faithful; and you are
well acquainted that I made every
exertion where few others dared to
mention the name of Independence.
Yourself are a witness that I was
dragged into the Franklin measures by a
large number of the people of this
country. I have been faithful, and my
own breast acquits myself that I have
acted no part but what has been
consistent with honor and justice,
tempered with clemency and mercy. How
far our pretended patriots have
supported me as their pretended chief
magistrate, I leave the world at large
to judge.
I never meaned to spill blood on any
occasion to the latest period of my time
in office, though, unfortunately for
some, it has been the case, but contrary
to my orders; and their fate I do
sincerely lament. I am now a private
citizen sometime since. I have supported
the authority of Franklin during my
continuance in office; and, if the
people have not spirit enough to support
it further, I shall not concern myself
more than to secure my person and
friends from the hands of ruffians and
assassinators. It is my wish that a
peace and good order may take place in
this country.
If it is your wish that hostilities
cease, you must request your officers to
act accordingly. Otherwise, should armed
men range through the country it will
exasperate the people, and I know not
what may be the consequence. If myself
and friends can be protected and
unmolested until your North Carolina
Assembly, we shall let all matters lie,
and the people at large must act as they
see fit. What I mean by my friends is,
those that have been active in behalf of
Franklin. I am determined to share fate
equally with those that have stood by
me, and live and die together.
If you think proper, I will meet you at
any time. Colonel Hardin will inform you
where we can have an interview, and you
may rest assured that you will suffer no
insults whatever. And I shall be glad
how soon you can make it convenient to
attend in order to compromise the
irksome dispute.16
Sevier felt confident in appealing to
Martin's own recollection for
confirmation of the fact that he had
been dragged into the Franklin movement.
Martin's reply to this manly letter is
not preserved, but its contents may be
gathered from Sevier's next
communication to him of date April 3rd:
I have just been honored with your
letter with respect to an accommodation
of our unhappy disturbances. I am ready
to suspend all kind of hostilities and
prosecutions on our part, and bury in
total oblivion all past conduct. If you
and the officers under your command will
accede to like measures until the rising
of the next North Carolina Assembly, and
be guided by the deliberations of that
body, peace and order may immediately
take place.17
Both Martin and Colonel Arthur Campbell
wrote to Governor Randolph of Virginia,
assuring him that the commotions in
Franklin had subsided.
But the tumult and violence, once
started, were not so easily and promptly
quelled.
Bishop Asbury, writing in his journal of
preaching at Nelson's, in Colonel
Tipton's immediate neighborhood, made
this entry under date of May 6, 1788:
"The people are in disorder about the
old and the new State. . . . At Nelson's
I had a less audience than was expected,
the people having been called away on an
expedition against the new-State men."18
On April loth, Sevier wrote to the
Governor of Georgia that "our country
is, at this time, almost in a state of
anarchy, occasioned, as we suggest, by
the North Carolinians stimulating a
party to act in a hostile manner against
us;" and once more he expressed the
purpose to aid with a considerable
number of volunteers in any campaign
against the Creeks.19
The stipulation of the pact of
accommodation against straggling bands
and molestation was not kept; but not
because of blame immediately
attributable to either Martin or Sevier.
The animosities engendered in the little
civil war now found vent in feuds in the
upper counties; and in some instances no
doubt bad men availed of the opportunity
offered to wreak private vengeance. It
was difficult for the law to set bounds
to the forces that had been loosed. The
compact failed; and seemingly neither
Sevier nor Martin reproached the other
as blameworthy because of it.
_______________
1 See also same quoted,
Maryland 7ournal, Apr. II, 1788. 216.
2 Ib.
3 One of the calls for aid
was sent by Sevier from the home of
Major Christopher Taylor, west of
Jonesborough (Feb. iith) probably as
Sevier was en route to Greene county. It
was addressed to Captain John Zahaun (Seehorn)
Caswell county (Seehorn's Ferry, near
the present town of Dandridge): "I am
informed that the Tipton party has got
very insolent, and have been guilty of
several cruelties and barbarous actions.
I have ordered fifteen men out of each
company to turn out; and am well
satisfied that the men of Sevier county
will turn out bravely. I beg you will
use your influence to get as many men
out of your neighborhood to turn out as
may be in your power. I shall expect
your company up. I am satisfied that a
small exertion will settle the matter to
our satisfaction. Pray speak to Mr.
Allen and let us raise as many men as in
our power. For further particulars, I
beg leave to refer to the bearer [James
Sevier]. Ramsey, 413.
4 "Coming to one of my
appointments on French Broad, in the
afternoon of one of the coldest days I
ever witnessed in that country, I found
a large company of armed men there,
going to attack Colonel Tipton in his
own house where he had fortified
himself." Rev. Thomas Ware, Sketches of
Life and Travels.
5 This account of the
Sevier-Tipton battle is based on the
accounts given by Haywood, who was
followed in the main by Ramsey; by
Colonel Tipton in his report to General
Joseph Martin, N. C. State Records,
XXII, 691; by Maxwell to Colonel Arthur
Campbell, Mar. io, 1788, Draper MSS.,
Vol. IX, 47; by General Wm. Russell in
Maryland Journal, Apr. 8, 1788;
Statements of Major John Sevier, Draper
MSS., 32 S, pp. 140, 18o, 210-213; Rev.
Thomas Ware, Life and Travels;
communication from Washington county,
June loth, State Gazette, South
Carolina, Sept. 1, 1788; Statement of
son of Col. John Tipton, Draper,XX, vol.
5, p. 40; Maryland Journal, Apr. II,
1788. The last account says Tipton had
"not more than 6o or 70 men" but
Tipton's son says 45. Haywood gives 15
as the number. Tipton had been busy
ordering in reinforcements. He had kept
in touch with the plans of the Franks.
On Monday, February 25th, he wrote to
Colonel Robert Love, in command of the
militia of Greasy Cove, Washington
county (now Unicoi county) as follows:
"The rebels are again rising; Sevier is
now making his last effort; he has given
orders to his officers below to draft
fifteen men out of each company, and to
take property from those that will not
serve and give to those that will. This
day they are to meet at Greene; tomorrow
at Jonesborough, and Wednesday, if not
before, make a push here. I therefore
request you to give orders to officers
in the Cove to collect their men with
the greatest expedition and march to my
house tomorrow, fixed in ample manner;
as I propose to defend this quarter,
without making any excursions, unless I
can get further information. N. B. Let
no time be lost." Ramsey, 414.
6 "State of Franklin,
February 27th, 1788. In a Council of the
Officers to secure the rights of the
Citizens in this State, and from Motives
to Establish Peace and Good Order:
"It is our request to Colonel John Tipton that he and
the party now in the house surrender
themselves to the discretion of the
people of Franklin within thirty minutes
from the arrival of the flag of truce.
"John Sevier, C. Gen'l.
"Honored by Colonel Conway."
The officers in command under Sevier were Col. Henry
Conway, Col. Charles Robertson and Major
George Elholm.
The house of Tipton is standing today. The log house
has, however, been covered with
weatherboarding. It is said that the
bullet marks may be seen in the logs
beneath. In after years, the farm of
Tipton was owned and the house occupied
for many years by Landon C. Haynes,
Confederate State Senator from
Tennessee. The house stands on the right
of the highway and of the line of the
Carolina, Clinchfield and Ohio Railway,
running from Johnson City to Erwin, and
in sight of the former place.
7 One of these certificates
reads:
"State of Franklin, February 28th, 1788. "Received four
bushels of meal at two shillings per
bushel for the use of said State. Given
under my hand this said date.
"Received from Jonathan Pugh.
"Drury Robertson, Captain."
Pugh, who as sheriff had levied on Sevier's slaves, was
thus made to aid the effort to retake
them. He was to forfeit his life, in the
battle of the next day.
8 On the place of James P.
St. John, near Watauga station of the
Southern railway, and just below the
railway bridge that spans the Watauga
river.
9 In his letter to Draper, a
son of Colonel Tipton, Jonathan Tipton,
undertakes to correct errors in
Haywood's account of the Sevier-Tipton
battle, but he registers no denial of
this statement. He construes Haywood to
mean that two sons of Tipton were, in
fact, taken prisoners by Sevier, and
denies that such was true. Draper MSS.,
XX, vol. 5, p. 40.
10 Ramsey, 412.
11 N. C. State Records,XXII,
695. 32
12 N. C. State Records,XXII,
715.
13 Draper MSS., XX, 47.
Another call, it seems was sent on the
nth, in which it was stated that
Parkinson's home had been fired on.
14Hutchings to Martin, N. C.
State Record; XXI, 716.
15 N. C. State Records,XXI,
459
16 Calendar Virginia State
Papers, IV , 416.
17 Calendar Virginia State
Papers, IV, 421.
18 Asbury' s Journal, II, 32.
19 Ramsey, 414 |
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