In June Sevier was hopeful of an
accommodation with his opponents. He
wrote to General Kennedy, of the
Washington District, on July 6th:
"I met with the Old State party on the
27th of last month; few of our side met,
not having notice. I found them much
more compliable than I could have
expected, except a few. I have agreed to
a second conference, which is to be held
at Jonesborough the last day of this
month. You will please to give notice to
all those appointed by the convention
that may be in your District to be
punctual in attending at the time and
place. I shall earnestly look for you
there, and as many other of our friends
as can possibly attend; and I flatter
myself something good for the public may
be expected."1
The purpose of the projected conference
was to arrange a compromise before the
election in August for representatives
in the assemblies of the two States.
Conflicts of a serious character were
expected, if no agreement was reached.
When, therefore, the August election
came on (the third Friday and Saturday)
discord and strife marked the occasion
in several of the counties in the
northern part of Franklin. In the lower
counties of Caswell, Sevier and Blount
the opposition to Franklin was a
negligible quantity.
Disappointed and confused by the failure
of the conference, the Franklinites
hurriedly fell back on Cocke's strategy
which had been discussed and discarded
in May. The plan itself is surprising to
one of to-day who contemplates it:
Franklin leaders offered themselves for
election to the North Carolina Assembly!
In Hawkins county (Spencer county in the
Franklin government) Stockley Donelson
(Franklinite) was a candidate against
Thomas Amis (Carolinian). The polls were
opened and the North Carolina sheriff
made proclamation that no person would
be allowed to vote unless he had paid
taxes to North Carolina. When three
votes had been cast, Colonel Wm. Cocke
appeared on the scene with a number of
men, some of whom were from Greene
county as claimed by the opposition. The
sheriff, apprehensive that a riot would
ensue, adjourned the election to the
next day. Fear of violence prevented the
polls being opened the following day or
at all.
Peter Turney,2 the Spencer
sheriff, was asked by Thomas Henderson,
"who was to open the election, the
sheriff of the old State or the sheriff
of the new?" And was answered by Turney:
"By both, agreeable to a resolve of the
convention." When informed that only
such as had given in their property for
taxes could vote, Turney replied: "If
that is the case, the strongest party
shall take the house"—a decision by
physical strength.
The polling place having been abandoned
by the Carolinians, Donelson was
declared elected; and the sheriff of
North Carolina gave him a certificate of
election which the North Carolina
Assembly refused to recognize, but
declared the election void, and ordered
a new writ to be issued. Thus far the
Franklinites' plans had succeeded.3
In Sullivan, the Franks attempted to use
like tactics, and Sevier charged that
they would have been successful but for
the opposition tearing up tickets,
denying the franchise to those who had
not given in their taxable property to
North Carolina, and using foul play.4
Landon Carter and—strangest of
all—Sevier stood for election from
Washington county. "I wrote him
[Governor Caswell] I was elected, and
also mentioned the other gentlemen, and
wished his advice whether it would be
expedient for me to attend. He writes
pressingly for myself to attend, and
promises every assistance to compromise
matters, and seems to have no doubt of
it being done.
Also that we be prepared with petitions,
&c., to show the great majority that is
in favor of the separation. I cannot be
so well determined whether to attend or
not, until I hear from Georgia."5
Judge David Campbell was elected to the
senate from Greene county, in pursuance
of this plan; and it is probable that,
at the time of his election, he did not
intend to take the seat.
Now began the resort to violence in the
form of forays of armed men. Colonel
John Tipton, although not colonel of the
county, appeared in Hawkins county with
a force of about fifty men, "under a
pretense of redressing a quarrel"
between the two sheriffs, though the
principal purpose was to get possession
of the county records held by the
Franklin officers. This conduct gave
rise to a rumor that they had made a
prisoner of Governor Sevier with purpose
to carry him to North Carolina. Two
hundred Franks hurried to the home of
Tipton, only to find that the report was
baseless. "It was only through the
influence of his Excellency that the
opposite party did not fall a sacrifice
to our Franks. During that time a body
of about fifteen hundred veterans
embodied themselves to rescue their
governor (as they thought) out of the
hands of the North Carolinians."6
In July, the sheriff of Washington
county, Andrew Caldwell, was
incarcerating in jail the sheriff who
represented North Carolina's authority,
Jonathan Pugh, thereby demonstrating
that the Franks prevailed there, in
actual exercise of power, though much
reduced in numbers.
The Maryland journal7 quotes
a late Virginia newspaper as stating
that "the State of Franklin has sent, or
is to send, two deputies to Kentucky, to
meet a convention of all the western
settlements for the purpose of
consulting on proper measures respecting
navigation of the Mississippi."
The year 1787 witnessed frequent
meetings of the Franklin Assembly. A
session was held early in August at
which General Evan Shelby was elected
governor to succeed Sevier on the
expiration of the term of the latter,
March I, 1788. The fact was communicated
to Shelby in a letter of Franklin's
governor, written from Greeneville,
August 12, in which acceptance was
urged:
At the request of the General Assembly,
I do myself the honor to inform you that
you are appointed to succeed as Chief
Magistrate of this State. You will
readily consider it is friends, and not
enemies, who would appoint you to this
dignified station; and we flatter
ourselves that if it will be consistent
with your principles and sentiments you
would serve a number of your real
friends and acquaintances, together with
supporting the interests and happiness
of our State, and the country you reside
in, [rather] than serve a distant set of
men, totally unacquainted and unknown.
Dear Sir, permit me to solicit your
acceptance of this office, as it will
give your friends peculiar satisfaction,
as well as, I hope, establish unanimity
and tranquility in our distracted
country. I should have done myself the
honor to have waited on you, but am so
harrassed with business at this time,
that it is out of my power to do so at
this period. Our Assembly will meet on
the third Monday in next month, at which
time your answer is expected. I much
wish, for many reasons, to see you, were
it possible at this time.8
The Franklinites hoped to win over one
of the strongest characters in the
limits of the State; and through his
influence to strengthen the new State at
the weakest point—Sullivan county, the
home of Shelby. Shelby declined the
honor, but the favoritism of the Franks
went far toward conciliating him. He
shortly afterward resigned as
brigadier-general of the Carolina
militia, giving his old age as one of
the reasons. On October 29th, he sent
his resignation to Governor Caswell:
As matters have been in such a
fluctuating abyss in the minds of the
people on this side of the mountains,
together with a desire to lead a retired
life, and my old age, induced me to wish
that the General Assembly may appoint
some other to succeed me in the office
of brigadier-general in this district.
At the same time I have to observe to
your Excellency that there are a number
of petitions that are to be preferred to
the Assembly for separation.9
Some of them I have seen, and I am of
opinion if we can have a separation upon
reciprocal terms, it would not only
aleviate the minds of the people, but
would terminate in strengthening this
part of the community with our parent
State.
P.S. If the wisdom of the General
Assembly should think Mr. John Sevier a
person adequate to succeed me in the
office of brigadier-general, I would
wish to recommend this gentleman to the
honorable, the General Assembly.
Roosevelt clearly misconceived Sevier's
letters to Shelby and the latter's
resultant attitude. Roosevelt represents
Sevier as being suspicious that Shelby
was positively hostile: "Sevier warned
him that no unfriendly interferrence
would be tolerated. Shelby could neither
be placated nor intimidated." Sevier
certainly did not attempt to intimidate
the old general.10 Roosevelt
evidently had not seen the letter of
Shelby to Caswell, which plainly shows
that the writer was placated to a
degree. Certain it is that the sturdy
old Welshman would not have recommended
for election, as his own successor, a
man who had tried to intimidate him.
One likes to think that one of the
intermingling influences that prompted
Shelby to commend Sevier and to counsel
the grant of separation was that of his
son, Colonel Isaac Shelby, (now in the
Kentucky Country where much the same
struggle for separate statehood was
going on) interposed in behalf of
Sevier, his comrade-colonel on the
King's Mountain expedition. After-events
showed the Shelbys and Seviers always
standing together.
During this year Governor Sevier kept up
a correspondence with the gray
statesman, now governor of Pennsylvania,
in. which was solicited support of the
cause of the State named in his honor.
The letters best speak for themselves:
State of Franklin Mount Pleasant,
9 April, 1787.
Sir:
Permit me to introduce to your
Excellency the subject of our new
disputed government. In the Year 1784,
in the month of June, the legislature of
North Carolina ceded to Congress all
their claim to the land west of the
Appalachian Mountains, on conditions, I
make no doubt you are acquainted with,
as the act was shortly after laid before
Congress. The inhabitants of this
country, well knowing that the Congress
of the United States would accept the
cession and having no idea that North
Carolina would attempt repealing the
act, formed themselves into a separate
and independent State by the name of
Franklin.
In November following, North Carolina
repealed the act of cession. In May,
1785, Congress took the several acts
under consideration and entered into
resolves respecting the same, the
purport of which I presume you are
acquainted with. The government of
Franklin was carried on unmolested by
North Carolina until November, 1785,
when that legislature passed an act
allowing the people in some of our
counties to hold elections under certain
regulations unknown to any former law;
whereby a few, from disaffection and
disappointment, might have it in their
power to elect persons who were to be
considered the legal delegates of the
people.
This was done and countenanced; and at
their last session, in November, 1786,
they have undertaken to reassume their
jurisdiction and sovereignty over the
State of Franklin, notwithstanding the
whole of their adherents do not exceed
two or three hundred against a majority
of at least seven thousand effective
militia. They have, contrary to the
interests of the people in the two
counties, to-wit, Washington and
Sullivan, by their acts removed the
former places of holding courts at
certain places, to certain places
convenient to the disaffected; as we
conceive, in order that they might have
a pretext to prevaricate upon.
I have thus given your Excellency the
outlines of our past and present
situation; and beg leave to inform you,
that, from your known patriotic and
benevolent disposition as also your
great experience and wisdom, I am, by
and with the advice of our Council of
State, induced to make this application,
that should you from this simple
statement of the occurrences think our
cause so laudable as to give us your
approbation, you would be pleased to
condescend to write on the subject. And
any advice, instruction or
encouragement, you may think we shall
deserve, will be acknowledged in the
most grateful manner.
We have been informed, that your
Excellency some, time since did us the
honor to write us on the subject of our
State; if so, unfortunately for us, the
letters have miscarried, and are not
come to hand. Many safe conveyances
might be had. A letter may be sent by
the bearer, Capt. John Woods,11
if he should return by way of Franklin;
or, if it were directed to the care of
the Governor of Georgia, it would come
safe; and probably by a number of people
who travel this country.
| I have the honor to be, Sir, &c |
.John Sevier.l2 |
Philadelphia, June 30, 1787.
Sir:
I received the letter you did me the
honor of writing to me the ninth of
April last by the hand of Mr. Woods, who
arrived here about ten days since. You
are pleased to ask my advice about the
affairs of your government. I am very
sensible of the honor your Excellency
and your council thereby do me; but
being in Europe when your State was
formed, I am too little acquainted with
the circumstances to be able to offer
you any advice that may be of
importance, since everything material
that regards your welfare will doubtless
have occurred to yourselves. There are
only two things that humanity induces me
to wish you may succeed in: your
accommodating your misunderstanding with
the government of North Carolina by
amicable means, and the avoiding an
Indian war by preventing encroachments
on their land. Such encroachments are
the more unjustifiable, as these people
in the fair way of purchase usually give
very good bargains; and, in one year's
war with them you may suffer a loss of
property and be put to an expense vastly
exceeding in value what would have
contented them perfectly in fairly
buying the lands they can spare. There
was one of their people who was going to
Congress with a complaint from the chief
of the Cherokees that the N. Carolinians
on the one side, and the people of your
State on the other, encroach upon them
daily. The Congress not being now
sitting he is going back apparently
dissatisfied, that our general
government is not just now in a
situation to render them justice, which
may tend to increase ill humor in that
nation. I have no doubt of the good
disposition of your government to
prevent their receiving such injury, but
I know the strongest governments are
hardly able to restrain the disorderly
people who are generally on the
frontiers from excesses of various
kinds; and possibly yours has not yet
acquired sufficient strength for the
purpose. It may be well, however, to
acquaint those encroaching that the
Congress will not justify them in the
breach of a solemn treaty, and that if
they bring upon themselves an Indian war
they will not be supported in it.
I am sorry my letter in answer to a
former one from your State, miscarried.
I cannot at present lay my hands on the
copy of it, but will look for it and
send it at the next opportunity. I will
also endeavor to inform myself more
perfectly of your affairs, by inquiry
and searching the records of Congress;
and if anything should occur to me that
I think will be useful to you, you shall
hear from me thereupon.
I conclude by repeating my wish that you
may amicably settle your differences
with North Carolina. The inconveniences
of your people attending so remote a
seat of government, and the difficulty
to that government in ruling so remote a
people, would, I think, be powerful
inducements with it to accede to any
fair and reasonable proposition it may
receive from you towards an
accommodation.
Your Excellency's most obt. and most
humble servt.
In replying to a letter from William
Cocke about a year before, Franklin had
advised the authorities of the new State
to submit the points in dispute to the
decision of Congress. Franklin now
advises Sevier to apply to North
Carolina for a satisfactory compromise.
The change in Franklin's views was due,
doubtless, to what he knew to be the
insistence of the landowning States and
to his belief that they would prevail in
the constitutional convention on the
point of the creating new States in the
West.
Sevier's next letter was scarcely more
than a budget of news:
| |
Franklin, 12 Septem. 1787. |
Sir:
Your favor of the 30th of June, I had
the honor to receive by the hand of Mr.
Droomgoole.
We are under great obligation to you for
the trouble your Excellency has been
pleased to take in writing, and for the
kind advice contained in your letter. It
affords us much pleasure to discover
that you are disposed to be friendly to
our young Republic. We hope to continue
to deserve your notice. And any services
you are pleased to extend towards us
will not be misapplied.
From late accounts, we learn the Creek
Indians are committing hostilities and
outrages on the people of Georgia; and
not long since a party went into the
Chickasaw nation, murdered a Capt.
Davenport, Commissary for the State of
Georgia, also three other persons,
wounded three and made one a prisoner.
This tribe also, by their predatory
excursions in the Cumberland settlements
have done much spoil there, by murdering
a number of the inhabitants, taking and
carrying off their property, burning
their buildings cutting down their corn
and wantonly destroying their cattle,
&c. Although our frontier is most
conveninent to that nation of Indians,
yet we have been so fortunate as not to
receive any injuries or insults from
them.
I have the honor to be, respectively
Sir,
With great esteem and regard,
Your Excellency's most obedient and hum.
servt.
His Excellency Governor Franklin14
| |
State of Franklin,
2nd of November, 1787. |
Sir:
Since my last by Mr. Martin, nothing
very material to acquaint your
Excellency with. The Creek Indians
continue their partial depredations on
the State of Georgia, and a war between
that State and these Indians is
unavoidable.
I am happy to hear of such unanimity in
the late Convention, and have sanguine
hopes that you have adopted a plan of
government that will add dignity to the
rising greatness and happiness of our
American Empire.
Permit me to inform your Excellency that
the people of this State pray your
patronage and attention to such matters
as you may judge consistent with their
interest, and the nature of their case
may deserve. It might become a matter of
much regret, should these people be
unnoticed by Congress. They are firmly
attached to the Continental measures and
have been particularly active and
serviceable in the late war; but at the
present time there appears to be a
general uneasiness among a number of the
Western Americans through a jealously
that their interest is neglected.
This, I expect, will be handed you by
Major Droomgoole, on his way to Congress
with letters from the Cherokee Chiefs.
Mr. Droomgoole informs me that he is
desirous of acting as superintendent
over some of the Southern tribes. Should
this appointment be not already filled,
beg leave to introduce him to you as a
gentleman much noticed among the
Cherokee Chiefs, and from his general
deportment toward the interest of the
United States, I have every reason to
believe would discharge the duty
required in this office, with
satisfaction to the tribes and to the
power thay may employ him.
The Cherokees complain that no persons
attend them, and consider themselves
neglected, and as Mr. Droomgoole has
been at trouble and expense in quieting
the minds of these people and keeping
down all kinds of animosities that have
been liable to rise in consequence of
their being stimulated by some other
power against the Americans, I hope your
Excellency will not consider it
impertinent in me to solicit your
attention in his behalf.
I have the honor to be Sir,
With great respect and esteem
Your Excellency's mo.
obedt. & hum. servt.
His Excellency Governor Franklin15
_________________
1 Ramsey, 391.
2 The first of the name later
made familiar to all Tennesseans by
Peter Turney, colonel of the First
Tennessee Regiment, C.S.A.; chief
justice, and finally governor of
Tennessee. For a sketch of Turney, see
post, p. 327.
3 In Hawkins (Spenser)
county, Peter Turney, the sheriff under
the Franklin regime, at first advertised
an election under Franklin authority,
but on change of the plans allowed the
sheriff of Hawkins county under North
Carolina authority to conduct the
election. N. C. St. Rec.,10C, 322.
4 N. C. St. Rec.,XX, 322.
Roosevelt in error, treats this as an
election held for members of the
Franklin Assembly and frustrated by the
adherents of North Carolina.
5 Sevier to Gilbert
Christian, Mount Pleasant, Oct. 20,
1787, in Am. Hht. Mag., VI, 381. John
Tipton and Landon Carter contested for
the seat in the senate of North
Carolina, with result that the election
was held void and set aside. Tipton was
thereby deprived of his seat—a sop
thrown to the Franklinites.
6 Cocke to Elholm, from
Mulberry Grove, State of Franklin,
August 27, 1787. Columbian Magazine,
November, 1787; Ramsey, 392.
7 Issue of Sept. 28, 1787.
Shaler in his History of Kentucky says
that efforts were made to persuade the
Kentuckians to join in the Franklin
movement. Unless he refers to Arthur
Campbell's early scheme for a greater
Franklin, this seems to be an error.
Shaler may have had in mind the efforts
made at this time by the Cumberland
settlers to combine with the Kentuckians
in government.
8 Tennessee Historical
Society Mss.
9 As to these petitions, see
page 193.
10 Roosevelt probably got the
idea from Sevier's reference to
Parkinson's conduct in the letter of May
3oth.
11Woods had been a
Continental agent to the Choctaw
Indians. He was now going to
Philadelphia as guide and interpreter
for a delegation of Southern Indians.
12 Sparks's Works of
Franklin, X, ago.
13 Franklin Papers, VIII,
folio, 1803, MSS. Division Library of
Congress.
14 American Phil. Soc.,
Franklin Papers,XXXV, p. 140.
15 American Phil. Soc.,
Franklin Papers, XXXV, p. 276. |
